Introduction

The folk high school (FHS) is characterised as an inclusive environment that welcomes students from diverse backgrounds and levels of functioning, including students with intellectual disability like Downs syndrome. This study is part of a longitudinal project exploring the life course of an age cohort with Downs syndrome.

In recent years there has been an increase in the number of FHS students with disabilities in Norway ( NOU, 2022:16; Unge Funksjonshemmede, 2019) and in other Nordic countries, such as Sweden (Bernhard & Andersson, 2017; Lövgren & Nordvall, 2017). From a human rights perspective, this trend aligns with the principles outlined in the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (CRPD) (United Nations, 2006), which emphasises the right of people with disabilities to access equal education opportunities. There is, however, limited knowledge regarding the experiences of FHS students from their own perspective of what they gain at the FHS and how it impacts their emerging adulthood.

The Folk High School

The Norwegian FHS is part of the wider Nordic folk high school tradition, which was initiated in mid-1850s as a pedagogical alternative to the public school system. These schools were originally founded by the Danish philosopher, politician, and theologian Nikolaj Frederik Severin Grundtvig. Grundtvigʼs vision was to create a «school for life» as an alternative to traditional «book learning» (Broadbridge et al., 2011). Nordic folk high schools typically offer a one-year post-upper secondary education. Over the years these schools have evolved differently in the Nordic countries, but they share some characteristics, such as the prevalence of boarding schools and the informal relationships between teachers and students (Lövgren & Nordvall, 2017). This study was conducted in Norway, so it primarily focuses on the Norwegian FHS system.

In Norway, the FHS are legally defined as institutions that operate without a prescribed curriculum, exams, or grades. As of 2022, there were 85 such schools in Norway, primarily offering full-time residential courses spanning two semesters. These schools, focusing on areas like music, theatrics, sports, and outdoor life, do not have specific academic admission requirements, and they provide a wide range of subjects for learning. Additionally, some courses are adapted to accommodate students with special needs (https://www.folkehogskole.no/). The schools are open to all students, who apply based on their interests. The primary objective of the schools is formation, development, and growth, where students learn of, about and for life (NOU 2022:16). Approximately 80% of the students in Norwegian FHS fall within the range of 19 to 20 years old (NOU 2022:16). Many students choose to spend a year at a folk high school as «a gap year» before making important decisions regarding their future education and career paths (Knutas & Solhaug, 2010). Research has shown that students in the Norwegian FHS experience an inclusive and welcoming community, engage in social learning, undergo personal development, and gain valuable insight and experiences that inform their future career and life choices (Erickson, 2017; Knutas & Solhaug, 2010; Lövgren, 2019; Tiller, 2014).

Folk High School Students with Intellectual Disability

The FHS has until now been the sole established further opportunity for students with intellectual disability after upper secondary school in Norway. It is noted that approximately 400 to 500 students with various impairments have attended FHS in the last five years, although the specific number of students with intellectual disability remains unknown (NOU 2022:16). A national study on the transition from school to work for young adults with intellectual disability found that 11% of the surveyed population of 90 individuals had attended a folk high school (Wendelborg et al., 2017). In 2019, the organisation Unge Funksjonshemmede [Young Disabled] published a report on the experiences of FHS students, some of whom had intellectual disability (2019). The report highlighted positive outcomes such as increased self-confidence and independence, as well as preparation for various aspects of adult life, including transitioning from parental housing and managing daily tasks and routines. The report concluded that the folk high school provides an opportunity for disabled students to achieve personal development within a supportive and secure environment. Additionally, the findings pointed to a lack of knowledge regarding the available financial support and application opportunities for FHS. A recent study based on interviews with parents of former FHS students with Downs syndrome described the year as «a year of opportunities» and emphasised the inclusive learning context (Undlien, Kollstad & Dolva, 2023). As shown, there is a dearth of knowledge regarding the experiences and benefits for students with intellectual disability in a Norwegian FHS context, although there is a documentary film titled Our Daughter Emilie from 2019 that depicts the life of a student with Downs syndrome during a year at an FHS (Carlen, 2019). A review of the film highlighted the studentʼs development of self-awareness and hard work, and illustrated the positive impact of the student with Downs syndrome on the experiences of other students at the FHS (Odland, 2019). In a literature review conducted by the welfare institute NOVA (Saetre, 2020), there is a call for more research on Norwegian conditions that can enhance the quality of life for young people with Downs syndrome. Therefore, gaining more knowledge about the opportunities that arise from attending FHS is highly relevant.

The aim of this study was to explore how former folk high school students with Downs syndrome experienced attending an FHS, and how these experiences and learning influenced their transition to adulthood, construction of identity, and current life situation.

Theoretical Perspective

Wengerʼs social learning theory (Wenger, 1998, 2004) was chosen as a theoretical framework for this study. This theory conceptualises learning as social participation, emphasising «the process of being active participants in the practices of social communities and constructing identities in relation to these practices» (Wenger, 1998, p. 4). In our study, we employed the components that characterise social participation in social learning theory as analytical concepts for understanding learning. These components of learning include: learning as practice, learning as meaning, learning as belonging, and learning as identity (Wenger, 1998, p. 5).

Wenger (1998) views community and practice as an inseparable unit, coining the term community of practice. This concept revolves around the idea of learning and meaning as an integral part of everyday life. It involves the continuous negotiation of meaning through engagement, involvement, participation and learning by doing or practical experience. Wenger (1998) further describes three interrelated dimensions that define a community of practice: mutual engagement, a joint enterprise, and a shared repertoire. Mutual engagement is the cornerstone of a community of practice, encompassing both diversity and homogeneity. It involves interaction within a shared practice that draws on oneʼs own competencies as well as the competencies of others, resulting in complementary contributions when collaborating and helping each other. The joint enterprise is what binds a community of practice together. It is established through negotiation and a way of interacting. A joint enterprise often creates a sense of mutual accountability, even if it is not explicitly discussed or expressed. A shared repertoire within a community of practice includes for instance ways of doing things, routines or actions that become ingrained in practice imbued with meaning (Wenger, 1998).

In social learning theory, the concept of participation encompasses both action and connection in a process of active engagement and relationship-building with others. Wenger sees social participation as a source of identity from a social perspective, stating that «our identity includes our ability and our inability to shape the meaning that define our communities and our forms of belonging» (Wenger, 1998, p. 145). Identity is viewed as a complex concept that goes beyond the mere acquisition of habits and skills; it is a dynamic and ongoing process. Wenger emphasises the deep connection between identity and community of practice (1998). Within this framework, the concept of identity acts as a bridge between the individual and the social. It is both a trajectory and a continuous process of becoming, with «the work of identity» being ongoing and pervasive (Wenger, 1998, p. 163).

In this study, we interpret the FHS as a community of practice in which students engage, negotiate meaning, and participate in shared practices of collective learning. After their time at the FHS, the young adults become part of other communities of practice in various aspects of their lives, including at home, work, and during leisure activities. The transition from the FHS to a new life situation occurs in the period defined by Arnett (2007) as emerging adulthood, characterised by change and increased independence. Experiences, learning, and competence gained at the FHS are transformed into new communities of practice as they navigate this transition.

Method

The present study had an explorative, qualitative research design. Data was collected through individual interviews (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009) with young adults with Downs syndrome.

Recruitment and Participants

Participants were recruited from a longitudinal project following an age cohort with Downs syndrome over 20 years, from the age of five (Dolva, Coster & Lilja, 2004). The project revealed that many attended an FHS after upper secondary education. In 2021 the project group initiated a study to explore the folk high school as a post-upper secondary school option based on the experiences of both parents and the students, in two separate studies. In 2021 the age cohort counted 38 young adults aged 26. Invitation to participate in both studies were sent to the 38 young adults and their parents with separate informed consent. Inclusion criteria in the first study was being a parent of a former FHS student (Undlien et al., 2023). The inclusion criterium for this second study was that the young adult had been an FHS student. Eight of the 38 young adults (20%) had been FHS students for one or two years after finishing upper secondary school.

Several ethical conditions were considered regarding the young adults. One was informed consent. The parents were asked to give their son or daughter adequate and customised information about the study before they agreed to participate and were able to give informed consent. Another ethical consideration was the power relation between the interviewers and the young adult. The researchers followed the guidance of demonstrating respect and genuine interest in the valuable experiences of the participants (Ellingsen, 2010; Kittelsaa, 2010). A third consideration was related to the fact that the experiences from folk high school were in the past, ranging from two to five years ago. It could be challenging for the participants to remember and recall their experiences accurately. To facilitate their memory and enrich the interviews, participants were encouraged to gather photographs and items from their time at the FHS to aid in the recollection process.

A short interview guide was developed featuring a few open-ended themes to allow the young adults to explore their own interests and share their stories. The guide encompassed both the time at FHS and their current life situations. The first theme was to tell what they remembered from folk high school, what they did and learned, in addition to activities (in the living units, during formal and informal activities, on trips) and with whom they participated. The second theme focused on their current life situation, such as residence, work, leisure time and social life.

The studyʼs research ethics and the protection of privacy were approved by the Norwegian Social Science Data Service in 2020. The invitation to participate in the study emphasised that involvement was anonymous and voluntary. It was made clear that participants could withdraw from the study at any time without needing to provide a specific reason, and there would be no negative consequences for doing so.

Data Collection and Procedure

Out of the eight of the young adults who had attended FHS, six expressed a willingness to participate and provided their informed consent to be part of the study. Due to challenging health conditions, two individuals chose not to take part. Among the six, there were three women and three men, all of whom had attended different folk high schools between two and five years prior to the study. Notably, one of the six participants did not reside on the campus during his time at the FHS due to support needs that could not be met at the FHS. Instead, he attended during daytime only. Regarding their current life situations, there was variability among the participants. Details are provided in the results section. The participants also exhibited differences in terms of their individual functioning and support needs. In this study they were given fictional names to ensure their anonymity, and these pseudonyms were Albert, Benny, Christopher, Dora, Ellie and Frida.

The interviews were scheduled via phone with their parents after informed consent had been received. Each participant expressed a preference for being interviewed at their current place of residence. They were also given the option of having a parent present during the interview. One participant chose to be interviewed alone, while the other five preferred to have a parent available. Based on previous experience from the longitudinal study, the role of the parent was clarified during the actual meeting. In these interviews, the primary informant was the young adult, but parents could offer support or be asked for assistance if needed by the young informant or the researcher.

The interviews were conducted by two of the researchers working in pairs. One took on the primary communication and interview role, while the other served as a supporter, responsible for monitoring the interview guide and taking observational notes during the interview process. Each interview began with a confirmation of the intervieweeʼs willingness to participate, ensuring their full consent. The interview guide was employed in a flexible manner, allowing for the exploration of associations and themes provided by the participants themselves. The interviews were conducted in a relaxed and informal atmosphere, affording the necessary time for follow-up questions, clarifications, and the provision of support from parents when needed. Participants had prepared materials such as personal photos, memory books, or artefacts from their time at the FHS, which they presented during the interviews. These interviews varied in duration, ranging from one to three hours, and were recorded for documentation. Following each interview, the researchers compiled fieldnotes and/or reflection notes to capture additional insights and observations.

Analysis

The recordings were transcribed shortly after each interview, and together with fieldnotes and reflection notes, this constituted the data for each participant. All Word files were thereafter transferred to Maxqda (VERBI, 2014), a software program for qualitative analysis. The analyses were inspired by reflexive thematic analysis as described by Braun and Clark (2006, 2021). This method searches for patterns across the data and is flexible in terms of theory and interpretation (Braun & Clarke, 2021). The analysis was a back-and-forth process. First, the four researchers did repetitive reading of all data and suggested preliminary patterns and codes. The research group discussed the patterns and codes they had identified. This step was essential to ensure that there was agreement on the primary interpretation of the data. Thereafter, two of the researchers individually highlighted text fragments in the data and linked them to the previously agreed-upon codes. The research group then worked together to compare the findings and ensure that the coding was consistent and accurate across the team. Based on a joint understanding, the researchers constructed subthemes that reflected the analytical theme. Table 1 gives an example of how codes, subthemes, main theme, chosen theory and analytical theme were constructed.

Table 1 An Overview of the Analysis with Examples of Initial Codes, the Subcodes, the Three Main Themes, the Choice of Theory and Theoretical Categories, and the Analytical Theme.

	Initial codes (examples)	Subcodes	Main theme	Theory and theoretical categories	Analytical theme
EXPERIENCES FROM FOLK HIGH	New and challenging situation	Adapt to the folk high school context	Participation and learning in the folk high school community	Wenger’s Social learning theory: Practice Meaning Belonging Identity	The folk high school as a formative arena for adult life
	Friendships Important staff Social participation	A safe and social environment for learning
	Responsibility New skills New activities and experiences	Community expectations and the practising of new skills
CURRENT LIFE SITUATION	Mastery of everyday life In need of help	Independence and customised support	Preparing for adult life
	Work and work tasks	The importance of having work
	Friends and social leisure	Current social life
	Independence and adult life	Meaningful everyday life	Emerging adult identity
	Schedules and predictable everyday life	Identity
	Acknowledged	Well-being

Findings

The six same-aged young adults with Downs syndrome, three women and three men, had varying levels of overall functioning, communication skills, and cognition. Before attending FHS, they lived with their parents. They had attended six different FHSs in Norway. Four attended adapted programs to practise life skills, while two attended regular programs for specific activities such as horse riding and music. Regardless of program, common features included main/program activities, elective activities, and joint activities. Since they were at boarding schools, the students lived together on the campus and shared their days with peers with and without disabilities. This environment encouraged spontaneous and informal social interaction among students. One of the six young adults attended the FHS only during the daytime and continued to live at home. Due to his condition, he primarily focused on his current life situation in the interview, and less on experiences from the FHS.

Three main themes were found that encompassed the experiences of the young adults, both during the FHS and in their current life situations. Taken together, these themes provided an opportunity to interpret how their time at FHS may have had an impact on their current situations. The main themes were: 1) Participation and learning in the FHS community; 2) Preparing for adult life; and 3) Emerging adult identity.

Participation and Learning in the Folk High School

Adapting to the Folk High School Context

Transitioning from oneʼs home to a boarding school and entering a learning community comprised of entirely new peers represented a novel situation that required adaptation. Some individuals found this adjustment easier than others, and one admitted: «I did not feel that comfortable in the beginning». Another explained: «I was not very independent together with the others and it was hard». She called her parents regularly in the beginning. The expectations associated with attending an FHS varied among the young adults. The intention that was most commonly prevalent was that they were preparing for adulthood. One explained it this way: «I was supposed to practise living on my own». Other explanations centred on meeting new friends, pursuing their own interests (for example music, riding, football), having fun and learning new activities.

A Safe and Social Environment for Learning

The social environment was important. One respondent said: «The best thing about the folk high school was meeting new people and friends.» Building and maintaining friendships was described as easy, mainly because students lived together, interacted, and engaged in activities throughout the day. Many activities encouraged group participation and included students with and without impairments. They also had close relationships with the staff, including both kind and, at times, strict teachers, a caring caretaker, and a friendly cook. Friendship and even love developed. Three of the interviewees told that they fell in love and engaged in a romantic relationship. The social environment was perceived as safe and welcoming. One explained why he enjoyed the school and the people there: «All the people were polite to me».

Learning within the context of the FHS community was multifaceted. It encompassed both formal learning through structured teaching and informal learning through various leisure activities and gatherings. The students with Downs syndrome had to adapt and show tolerance in situations where they were challenged and pushed beyond their comfort zones. One of the girls explained that she had to feed the horses in the stable at 6 oʼclock in the morning. For her that was much too early, but she tolerated it and explained: «I had to». Participating in various new activities could also pose challenges, such as sleeping in a tent in cold weather or travelling abroad. Dealing with challenges could become even more difficult when the staff reprimanded or offered criticism. One explained: «… it was uncomfortable at first but fine afterwards».

Community Expectations and the Practising of New Skills

Five of the six students resided in units at the boarding school where they had their own rooms, shared bathroom and living room. They were given the responsibility for maintaining their own rooms and keeping them clean and organised, as well as managing their own laundry. Furthermore, they shared responsibility for the upkeep of the shared bathroom and living room. This living arrangement required them to acquire new skills related to independent living. Frida described how she learned to wash her own clothes, and Ellie said: «Yes it was like training to live by oneself. I even learned to clean the toilet and wash clothes and things like that». «Fellows» (assistants who were former students) were often mentioned. They had the role as supervisors in the living units and provided support in practising necessary skills. There were various requirements related to managing household activities, including tasks like vacuum cleaning and doing laundry. Additionally, the students needed to acquire skills to achieve independence in personal hygiene practices, such as washing their hair. One of the girls disliked washing her hair and showering. She told how her roommates tried to encourage her: «They wanted me to be clean and things like that … and then … me showering, yes … me showering – no, and then, yes I would just do it».

Preparing for Adult Life

Independence and Customised Support

After the FHS, the six students returned to their municipalities. However, their current life situations there varied significantly in terms of residences, level of independence, and degree of assistance required in their daily life. Shortly after his time at the FHS Christopher bought an apartment located near a shared housing facility from which he received some assistance. Ellie also bought her own apartment, situated close to a shared housing arrangement. She had initially lived in shared housing for a year while waiting for a suitable apartment. Dora and Albert moved into shared housing arrangements with relatively close support from staff. Benny was in the process of moving out of his parentsʼ home and spent two days a week in a shared housing arrangement to ease the transition. Finally, Frida, while currently living with her parents, explained her intention to eventually move out on her own.

The different living situations, whether living independently, partially independently, or planning to do so, underscored their preparedness for adult life. Ellie, for instance, described how she had grown significantly in terms of independence since attending FHS, and expressed pride in her newfound skills and ability to live a life according to her preferences. Independence was closely linked to proficiency skills in various aspects of daily life, including managing routines, household tasks, and engaging in social and leisure activities. Those who lived independently described how they continued to practise and refine skills to further enhance their independence. The skills they practised were largely consistent with those they had learned at FHS, such as personal care, meal preparation, grocery shopping, laundry, time management, and others. For instance, one of the girls shared how she had become more skilled in preparing her own meals and maintaining her clothing in good condition. Christopher mentioned that he had achieved independence in managing his grocery shopping.

Although they were proud of their achievements in gaining independence, the participants also acknowledged the need for customised assistance and support in certain situations. For instance, one mentioned: «I sometimes get a little help with clothes, which is good». Others received «hands-on» assistance, such as help with changing bed linen. Additionally, customised support could also be weekly plans that helped to maintain an overview of days, tasks, and schedules. For example, Christopher had an electronic voice reminder that guided him through some of his daily routine, including catching the bus in the morning. As he grew more independent, he began to perceive the reminder as intrusive rather than helpful. Eventually, he decided to pause the electronic voice reminder, demonstrating his increasing self-reliance. Ellie, who lived in shared housing after FHS until she acquired her own apartment, felt uncomfortable and unsafe with the constant appearance of staff who were overly eager to help. She had been well prepared for independent living during her time at FHS and was keen to live on her own, indicating her readiness for greater autonomy.

The Importance of Having Work

While future employment prospects were not explicitly mentioned in their experiences at the FHS, work and work-related tasks emerged as significant components of their current life situations. Although the nature of their employment varied, they all expressed pride in their contributions to the workforce. Each of them held a job that they valued and appreciated. At work, they faced challenges and were entrusted with responsibilities. For example, Albert took on responsibilities such as lawn mowing, shovelling snow in the garden near his apartment, and cutting or chopping wood for the fireplace. He expressed satisfaction with his role and contributions at work: «I am a good worker, like to work … I do everything alone». Three of the young adults were employed at day centres, where they engaged in activities such as packing goods and performing various work tasks, including making coffee in a café or canteen. Two individuals worked in grocery stores, and one of them secured a permanent position. Each of them had distinct job responsibilities, and one had become proficient at managing the cash register: «The best thing about being responsible for the cash register is that I can talk with customers. I think it is fun». Customised assistance and support played a crucial role in their work success. Transitioning to adulthood also entailed learning social norms, such as refraining from using their phones while on the job except during breaks.

Current Social Life

Respondentsʼ social lives at FHS were described as rich and active, but their current social lives appeared to be less vibrant. At FHS, their friends were fellow students, both with and without impairments. In contrast, most of their current friends had intellectual disabilities. While some still had contact with friends from their time at FHS, it was primarily through social platforms like Facebook, Messenger, and phone calls. Typically, one told: «She [a friend] usually greets me on Messenger when I have birthday». Friends seemed to play a less prominent role in their current lives. Interactions with friends were mainly through organised leisure activities, and most of these friends also had impairments. Relaxing evenings and time for preferred activities like music and TV were valued. One of the girls clearly preferred her own company, and explained: «I am mostly alone… I mostly like to be on my own». However, she also mentioned having a best friend in a shared housing unit in her neighbourhood with whom she occasionally visited: «We usually play Yatzy and talk. We share interests». In contrast, one of the young men described himself as having no friends at present, highlighting a sense of vulnerability in his social life.

Emerging Adult Identity

Meaningful Everyday Life

The sense of mastering their own lives was evident in their descriptions of their current life. Being independent, or independent with customised support, was satisfying and gave them a sense of accomplishment. The structured life, much like what they perceived as ordinary adult life, was closely linked to an identity as adults. Having meaningful work or work tasks was a significant aspect of this adult identity. For instance: «There is someone (at work) who thinks I can do most things well myself. I think thatʼs cool». Increased self-confidence and the emergence of identity were described in various ways. For example, Dora mentioned her habit of wearing socks of different colours, which she saw as expressing her identity related to Downs syndrome. Although she did not provide a detailed explanation, she seemed to take pride in this unique aspect of her identity. One of the others articulated her self-confidence and feeling of being acknowledged in this way: «Regardless of who you are, whether you have a body like mine or someone elseʼs body itʼs nice to be yourself». Scrapbooks and pictures from their time at the FHS held a special place in their hearts, as a source of student identity, cherished memories, friendships, and positive feedback.

Well-Being

A sense of thriving and well-being seemed to stem from the combination of being independent, having customised support, and experiencing a predictable and meaningful adult life. Apart from one individual, all of them expressed in various ways that they were content and happy with their current life situations, and Ellieʼs reflection was a good example when she was asked:

(Interviewer) «Is there anything you would like to do differently … than how it is now?»

(Ellie) «Uhm, gotta think. I donʼt really think so. Because I feel like I am doing really well».

This suggests that the experiences and skills they gained during their time at FHS, which enabled them to live independent and meaningful lives as adults, had a positive impact on their overall well-being.

Discussion

The findings demonstrate the experiences of six young adults with Downs syndrome as they attended FHS, shedding light on how these experiences have impacted their current life situations. Thinking back of their time at the FHS is interconnected with their present life circumstances. The methodological approach involved individual interviews, supplemented by their personal photos and artefacts, which helped evoke memories and experiences from their time at the FHS. These interviews, conducted in their current residences, provided valuable insights into their current life situations. The findings are discussed within the framework of Wengerʼs social learning theory (1998, 2004) and relevant research.

The Folk High School as a Community of Practice

The studyʼs starting point, which viewed FHS as a community of practice, sheds light on the predominant feature of the studentsʼ experiences at FHS, which was active engagement in social participation. The findings underscore that FHS seems to provide a safe, dynamic, and socially inclusive environment for students, fostering their sense of belonging and participation. Students were not only encouraged but expected to partake in a variety of activities alongside fellow students and staff. This involvement presented them with challenges, responsibilities, opportunities for friendship, and a sense of recognition. Their motivation to acquire new skills and refine their abilities was significantly influenced by this social participation. In line with Wengerʼs social learning theory (1998), we can perceive the FHS as a community of practice that emphasises learning as social participation. Our findings resonate with the interrelated dimensions characterising a community of practice, including mutual engagement, shared enterprise, and common repertoire. In social learning theory, participation is not only about being engaged in certain activities with certain people, but more a process of being active participants in the practice of a social community and constructing belonging and identity in this community (Wenger, 1998).

Learning, Meaning and Identity

When the former students reflected on their experiences in hindsight, their narratives revolved around the vibrant life at the folk high school. As one student aptly put it, the most cherished aspect of attending the folk high school was the opportunity to meet new people and friends. Additionally, their accounts of the community of practice served as a poignant reminder of the lessons they had learned during their time there. They articulated their learning experiences as profoundly meaningful, equipping them with the skills necessary for independence and the transition into adulthood. They highlighted a sense of achieving independence, and an interesting finding pertained to the need for customised assistance and support to independently manage various tasks in their own home or at work. Assistance and support were not an issue during their time at the folk high school. There, they described experiences of mastery and learning, responsibility, and recognition. What is intriguing is how, on the one hand, learning in a community of practice appears to camouflage individual needs for assistance and support as the community collectively achieves mastery through the diverse efforts of all members of that community, while on the other, doing together shapes engagement and motivation to learn. In a related context, Odland (2019), in her review of a documentary film featuring a folk high student with Downs syndrome, also described how the student, as an integral part of the social community, was not only motivated but actively encouraged to exert herself diligently and hone a diverse range of skills. Furthermore, the need for customised assistance should be acknowledged as an expression of self-determination and autonomy rather than as a caregiver need, as suggested by Jevne (2023).

Belonging to a community of FHS students and embracing oneʼs identity as a student significantly contributes to negotiating the meaning of who we are. These lived experiences are integral aspects of the intricate and continually evolving process of identity formation. In accordance with social learning theory, this profound interrelation between identity and daily practice necessitates mutual engagement and recognition of each other as active participants (Wenger, 1998). Furthermore, it is important to recognise that learning is transformative, altering our very essence and forging personal narratives of becoming within the context of our communities. In this manner, social participation not only influences our actions but also defines who we are and guides our interpretation of what we do. In their study, Knutas and Solhaug (2010) discovered that folk high school played a dual role, both contributing to and nurturing an individualʼs desired self-concept. These findings align with our research, demonstrating that individuals with disabilities also experienced a supportive environment at the folk high school. Furthermore, our findings harmonise with prior research involving students without intellectual disability who likewise benefited from inclusive fellowship, social learning opportunities, personal development, and valuable learning experiences that have prepared them for future life (Erickson, 2017; Knutas & Solhaug, 2010; Lövgren, 2019; Tiller, 2014).

The Folk High School as a Post-Secondary Education Option?

Beyond FHS, there is presently no other established opportunity for students with intellectual disabilities after upper secondary school. The number of FHS students with disabilities in Norway has increased during recent years (NOU 2022:16; Unge Funksjonshemmede, 2019), but there is limited knowledge about the benefits they gain and the significance of FHS for these studentsʼ transition to adulthood. A recent study (Undlien et al., 2023) examined the experiences of parents of this student group. The parents described FHS as a year of opportunities that made demands on personal growth in an inclusive context. Our study, which explored the perspectives of the students themselves, revealed that FHS provided meaningful and valuable learning outcomes when offered in an appropriate environment. It is noteworthy to compare this with the prevailing learning practice in Norwegian schools, where students with intellectual disabilities are increasingly moved out of regular classrooms into separate group rooms during the course of their schooling (Dolva, Kollstad & Jevne, 2019). The findings from our study illustrate that the FHS community of practice functions as an inclusive platform, highlighting learning and a developmental process pertinent to these studentsʼ progression towards independence in adulthood.

As stated in NOU 2022:16, folk high school aspires to be «a school for life» dedicated to learning about and for life. The findings of this study align with the vision of the folk high school that is particularly relevant for emerging adulthood and serves as a springboard into adult life. By applying social learning theory and conceptualising folk high school as a community of practice, these findings offer a deeper comprehension of learning within the folk high school context of social participation. The theory emphasises that learning involves not only doing, but also belonging, experiencing, and ultimately becoming (Wenger, 1998). This framework enriches our understanding of the concept of a «school for life».